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I would like to contribute to this lecture series by reflecting on reading both as a

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philosophical practice and as an object of historiographical inquiry.

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My aim is to ask to what extent the act of reading can be regarded as an exercise of

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philosophy and whether and how it might be integrated into our narratives of the history

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of philosophy.

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The choice of this topic grows out of a project that I am currently developing at the University

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of Zeigen, the Manikula Project, which Anna mentioned.

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Together with my team, I am exploring the philosophical library of Nicholas of Cusa or

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Cusano's, one of the most remarkable fears of the 15th century.

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You can see here his library, a conserva today in his native city, Werncastle-Kus and a page

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of manuscript from his collection, which is the translation of the ethics by Leonardo

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Bruni.

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At the center of our project is the critical edition and analysis of Cusano's marginalia,

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the autographed notes he left in the margins of the books he possessed and read.

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Yet, as often happens in research, one looks for one thing and unexpectedly discovers something

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else or believes to discover something else.

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In working on Cusano's marginalia, it has become clear to me that these notes are not

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merely evidence of his engagement with the sources or the intellectual genesis of his

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works.

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They also bear witness to a distinctive philosophical practice, one that may have been for Cusano's

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even more important than the writing of his own treatises.

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In other words, and this is my hypothesis, for Cusano's to do philosophy was first of

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all to read.

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And this ideal of philosophical research was rooted in an art of reading and annotating

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books.

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This insight led me to the questions I've already mentioned at the beginning.

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To what extent can reading itself be studied as a philosophical activity in its own rights?

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And what role does it play in the historical development of philosophy?

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I do not have answers to these questions.

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However, in the spirit of this lecture series, as far as I understood it, I would like to

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use our meeting today not to present the specific findings of my project, but to reflect with

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you on the broader theoretical and methodological framework of our discipline.

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My lecture is divided into two main parts.

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In the first part, history of reading and historiography of medieval philosophy, I argue

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that reading must be included in our historical understanding of medieval philosophy.

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And I highlight the distortions that may follow when it is neglected.

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In the second part, marginalia, reading mind and writing hand, my claim is that marginalia

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are essential sources for the study of medieval philosophy.

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Not merely to expand the corpus of written texts, but to illuminate a largely invisible

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yet crucial agency in the history of medieval thought, what I call the reading mind.

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And in this section, I will also briefly refer to my project as a case study in order to

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substantiate my hypothesis.

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Let us begin.

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Our understanding of the history of philosophy rests on authored texts.

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Philosophers appear primarily as authors and our view of their practice is shaped by writing

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as the main medium through which philosophical thought is produced, recognized and transmitted.

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In short, the history of philosophy we know is, to put it pointedly, a historiography

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of the written word.

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My lecture begins from a simple consideration.

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Reading despite being ubiquitous and constitutive of intellectual activity is almost entirely

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absent from this picture.

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In standard narratives of the history of philosophy, of the history of thought, it

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rarely appears, even though it underlies every act of reception, interpretation or elaboration

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of texts.

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There are at least two assumptions at the origin of this absence, in my opinion.

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First, reading is often considered as a receptive or derivative practice, not as a mode of thinking

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or an expression of philosophical stance in its own right.

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Second, reading is regarded as a cognitive act that remains relatively constant and is

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largely unaffected by historical changes that matter to philosophy.

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What varies according to this idea are the material medium and the context of reading,

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not the act, the cognitive act of reading itself.

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In this lecture, I propose to question both assumptions by bringing into the history of

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philosophy insights from a field that has taken shape over the past decades and is generally

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known as the history of reading associated with the work of scholars like Antoni Grafton,

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Roger Chartier, or Mary Carruthers.

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This implies looking at the history of philosophy from a different angle, not only from the

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vantage point of the texts that were written, but also from the many ways in which they

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were read.

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To this shift in perspective, I would like to add a specific research hypothesis concerning

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medieval philosophy, which I formulate in a deliberately broad and provocative terms.

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Perhaps a disclaimer at this point, to be honest, I don't believe that this hypothesis

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is correct in its full generality.

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But I'm convinced that it is heuristically productive and merits critical discussion

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and qualification.

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My hypothesis is the following.

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Medieval thought often exhibits a primacy of reading as a philosophical practice, while

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writing appears as a secondary outcome of that activity, a means of articulating, preserving

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and transmitting insights gained through reading.

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My aim, of course, is not to downplay the importance of writings, but rather to consider

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it to consider texts in the light of the practices that co-determined their meaning and reception.

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My focus here is on Latin culture, and the very notion of medieval philosophy is inherently,

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if you want, Latin and Europe centred, in my opinion.

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Yet I think that the same set of issues could be fruitfully extended to coeval linguistic

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and cultural contexts due to the common roots of these traditions, but also to the entanglements

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of their histories.

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I will try to qualify this hypothesis by way of three subsequent observations.

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Let me begin with a famous representation of reading in the cards Discours de la method,

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which I will use later as a contrasting foil to bring medieval conceptions of reading into

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a sharper focus.

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The card writes, the reading of all good books is like a conversation with the most notable

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people of past centuries, who were the authors of those books, but to converse with people

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of other centuries is, in a way, the same as travelling.

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It is good to know something about the customs of different people, yet those who spend too

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much time travelling eventually become strangers in their own country.

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For this reason, as soon as my age allowed me to free myself from dependence on my teachers,

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I completely abandoned the study of bookish learning, determined to seek no other knowledge

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except what I might find within myself.

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As is well known, the card stages here a new beginning, a radical break with tradition.

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He claims to have freed himself from the bonds of books.

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Reading for him is like a conversation with the people of the past or a journey.

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It can be instructive, but those who travel too much risk becoming alienated from themselves

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and from their origins.

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What is relevant here is the opposition between reading and independent thought and philosophy.

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For the card, the disputes and disagreements among philosophical doctrines are grounds

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to deem them useless.

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He writes, when I consider how many different opinions have been defended within it by scholars

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on the same subject, I came to regard as almost false everything that was merely probable.

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In a nutshell, the card's method of self-examination and securing evidence, which you will later

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call meditation begins only when reading stops.

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My first observation on this first part of my lecture is this.

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The divorce of philosophy from reading, which the card formulates in such a programmatic way,

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is a modern construction that has had enormous historiographical impact.

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In this context, I am not concerned with assessing the extent to which the card's mise-en-scene

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corresponds to his actual philosophical practice.

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I'm rather sceptical on this point and today we know, for instance, that the card was very

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good at concealing its sources.

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What matters here is that, since the early Enlightenment, this view has shaped our narratives

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of the history of philosophy in at least two ways.

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First, by tying philosophical mind to originality and independence from sources.

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Second, by perpetuating the prejudice that medieval philosophy, precisely because it

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works within a given textual tradition, is deferential to authority and therefore of

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only secondary philosophical standing or secondary philosophical dignity.

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It is enough to...

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This was just a summary of the card's representation of reading, the two main aspects of extrapolated

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from this quotation.

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It is enough to open a page of Brooker's monumental Historia Critica Philosophiae

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to encounter the definition of a historiographical paradigm that continues to exert influence

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to this day.

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I am not going to comment on these passages, but it's important for me to stress two things.

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First, two philosophers, eclectic philosophers in Brooker's words, are those whose distance

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themselves from all forms of authority, textual tradition or sectarian partiality, and instead

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follows only the rule of their mind.

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The true philosopher for Brooker, for the great founder of the modern history of philosophy

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as a discipline, true philosopher is someone who begins something new.

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When reading the meditations of other thinkers, true philosophers accept nothing that does

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not meet their standards of reasoning.

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In Legendi Saliorum Philosophorum Meditationibus Niil Rechibit, there is a dismissal of reading

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as a direct source of knowledge or philosophical activity.

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Second, for Brooker, medieval thinkers are interpreters, and bad ones for Brooker, rather

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than philosophers in the proper sense, precisely because of their subordination to authority

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of books.

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Medieval philosophy is, in Brooker's view, a pseudo-philosophia.

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Not only for this reason, of course, there are a lot of critical aspects Brooker highlighted,

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but this subordination to the authority of books is a central aspect of his critique

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and destruction, let's say, of medieval tradition.

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In short, the historiographical marginalization of reading as a philosophical practice and

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the devaluation of medieval philosophy share common roots, in my opinion.

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This leads to my second observation.

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The modern emphasis on originality, independence from sources, and offership does not adequately

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reflect how medieval thinkers conceived of their own practices, of their philosophical

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activity.

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I briefly discuss two examples, both of which provide a vivid counter-image to Descartes'

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book.

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This is the first one, concerns reading as a philosophical self-formation.

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Whereas Descartes conceives of reading as a form of travel and of estrangement, there

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exists a long tradition, rooted in latent antiquity, that understands reading as an

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exercise in self-knowledge and self-formation.

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The metaphor of the page as a mirror of the soul, speculum animi, as we find, for instance,

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already in Augustine, capture a reflexive dynamic that profoundly shapes monastic models

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of education, and the page is here, of course, the paradigmatic page, if you want, is the

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page of the Bible.

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But the same is transposed also to other sources, to the reading of other sources.

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Crucially, the self that the page makes visible does not correspond to the reader's present

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state, but to a regulative ideal, to a model to which the reader is called to conform through

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the act of reading.

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And in this perspective, the counterpart presented by the text is neither foreign nor simply

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past.

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It is the object of a transformative appropriation unfolding in the present, which is also called

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meditatio.

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In the 12th century, Hugh of St. Victor devised a pedagogical and philosophical program grounded

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in this model.

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His widely received treatise, the Daskalikon sieve de studio legendi, is the first work

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to the best of my knowledge, explicitly conceived as a theory and guide to proper philosophical

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reading.

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There are, above all, two things by which everyone is instructed in knowledge, namely

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reading, lectio, and meditation, meditatio.

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Of these two, reading holds the first play in teaching.

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For you, the teaching of philosophy consists first and foremost in determining which books

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are to be read, and in establishing the proper order and method of their reading.

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The texts are already given.

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The task is to learn how to use and interpret them rightly.

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Yet for Hugh, reading reaches its fulfillment only in meditation.

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Without meditation, he insists, reading would remain sterile and ineffective.

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Without reading, on the contrary, meditation would be empty and lack its proper object.

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Meditation would be without reading, objectless, without a concrete object.

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It is also important to ask what writing and authorship mean in this framework, in this

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context.

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Philosophy practice emerges from reading, preserving its fruits while transforming them

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into one's words.

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What does it mean?

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Notoriously, writing largely consists of compilations, glosses, paraphrases of earlier authors, Augustine,

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Boisius, Isidore.

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This should not be taken as a sign of dependence or dismissed as plagiarism.

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Rather, it is the characteristic product of a philosophical practice of formation.

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Meditative reading is immediately expressed in authorial production, which seeks to constitute

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the reader's transformed self.

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As Hugh writes, through study we are restored, reparable.

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Let us take another step.

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It is perhaps not an overly bold generalization to suggest that the three rules of reading

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set out by Hugh of St. Victor are reflected in the organization of university knowledge

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during the Middle Ages.

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The canon of books, the order of their readings, and the method of engaging with them were

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at the center of academic regulations and discussions.

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Hugh had already emphasized that the verb legere describes all aspects of teaching and

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learning in a reciprocal way, especially the relationship between masters and students,

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the activity of the teacher, legere librum ili, as well as that of the student, legere

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librum ab ilo.

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Medieval institutions of knowledge were essentially communities of reading.

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Teaching was structured around the legzio, while writing practices, such as commentaries

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or questionnaires, arise from the need to transmit what has been read and at the same

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time to reshape it, to reorder it.

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However, with the professionalization of learning and the expansion of the philosophical corpus

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in the 12th and 13th centuries, something fundamental changed.

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Reading emancipated itself from meditation.

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It no longer aimed at transforming the reader, but at a productive engagement with tradition.

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And this is the second figure of reading, which illuminates another contrast to Descartes'

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conception.

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But this leads also to my third and final observation from this first part.

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Reading has a philosophical history, and shifts in the art of reading correspond to developments

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in the modes of thinking and, above all, of philosophical writing.

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At this point, I would like to briefly turn to a very well-known text, which Martin Grubman

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famously regarded as a fundamental or a foundational document of the so-called Scholastic Method,

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Peter Abelart's Sique et. Non.

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Without endorsing Grubman's thesis, I'm interested in this work here only as a rare

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and lucid, I would say, witness to reflection on reading, whose influence extended at least

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into the Renaissance.

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Matoriously, Abelart collects contradictory sentences on central theological questions,

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not in order to resolve them or defend a specific position in the Sique et. Non, but to demonstrate

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how texts should be read.

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Abelart writes,

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I wish to collect divergent opinions of the Holy Fathers, such as, I recall, which because

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of their discrepancy give rise to questions that encourage readers to the greatest exercise

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in the search for truth, sharpening their sight through inquiry.

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For this is considered the first key to wisdom, namely, constant and frequent questioning.

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Here, Abelart proposes a precise technique of reading willed on the confrontation of

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divergent opinions.

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The aim of reading is not a sense of deference to authority, but the generation of questions.

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Not here, once again, the fundamental difference from the card.

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The search for truth and the exercise of independent thinking are not hindered by the

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contradictions of tradition as the card maintained, but are precisely set in motion by them.

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Reading in this sense is conceived as a structurally agonistic practice.

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It stages a dispute within tradition and compels the reader to take a position.

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Abelart, again, this kind of writing should not be read with the obligation to believe,

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but it should be read with the freedom to judge.

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For Abelart, the reader becomes the final link in the chain of transmission, acting

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as its judge.

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The question, which developed as a specific literary genre within and beyond the medieval

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university, emerges first and foremost as a tool of reading.

00:26:37.540 --> 00:26:43.740
In this view, philosophical thinking takes shape as a reworking and reordering of what

00:26:43.740 --> 00:26:48.980
has been read through rational explanation.

00:26:48.980 --> 00:26:53.020
And this was the first part of my presentation.

00:26:53.020 --> 00:26:56.260
I hope I have still enough time here.

00:26:56.260 --> 00:27:05.260
May I drink a little bit?

00:27:05.260 --> 00:27:08.500
Okay.

00:27:08.500 --> 00:27:22.140
We can move to the second part, marginalia, reading mind and writing hand.

00:27:22.140 --> 00:27:27.620
What emerges from the examples discussed so far?

00:27:27.620 --> 00:27:33.460
Duke's model of reading as self-formation and Abelart's conception of reading as an

00:27:33.460 --> 00:27:40.220
art of the opposites or of contradictions is the outline of a philosophical agency

00:27:40.220 --> 00:27:44.140
that does not coincide with authorship.

00:27:44.140 --> 00:27:48.340
This is the most important aspect.

00:27:48.340 --> 00:27:55.020
It is an agency that takes shape in the engagement with texts and which I have proposed to call

00:27:55.020 --> 00:27:57.020
the reading mind.

00:27:57.020 --> 00:28:01.340
At this point, however, we are faced with a fundamental problem.

00:28:01.340 --> 00:28:09.220
If reading constitutes a genuine philosophical practice, how can it be traced historically?

00:28:09.220 --> 00:28:16.180
How can we reconstruct this form of agency given that our descriptions of it have so

00:28:16.180 --> 00:28:21.540
far relied once again on written texts?

00:28:21.540 --> 00:28:26.980
In other words, where does the reading mind leave its material traces?

00:28:26.980 --> 00:28:36.900
And I come to the problem of materiality, which is very dear to your group.

00:28:36.900 --> 00:28:43.700
In order to address this problem, I would like to advance once again three observations

00:28:43.700 --> 00:28:50.780
on this second constellation of questions.

00:28:50.780 --> 00:28:58.100
Let me begin with a suggestive passage from Michel de Sertoz, L'ambvencion du Cote d'Yenne,

00:28:58.100 --> 00:29:05.020
a work that in the last decades played a decisive role in shaping the history of reading as

00:29:05.020 --> 00:29:11.740
a field of research, at least in the French media.

00:29:11.740 --> 00:29:17.020
De Sertoz's reflections are particularly interesting, also because they offer another

00:29:17.020 --> 00:29:29.580
variation on the Cote's metaphor of reading as travel, or testify to its lingerie if you want.

00:29:29.580 --> 00:29:39.940
De Sertoz writes, far from being writers, founders of their own place, readers are travelers.

00:29:39.940 --> 00:29:46.460
They move across lands belonging to someone else, like nomads, pushing their way across

00:29:46.460 --> 00:29:50.580
fields they did not write.

00:29:50.580 --> 00:29:57.980
Writing accumulates, stalks up, resists time by the establishment of a place, and multiplies

00:29:57.980 --> 00:30:03.060
its production through the expansionism of reproduction.

00:30:03.060 --> 00:30:10.860
Reading takes no measure against the erosion of time, one forgets oneself and also forgets.

00:30:10.860 --> 00:30:14.940
It does not keep what it acquires.

00:30:14.940 --> 00:30:20.660
In this passage, De Sertoz draws a sharp and fundamental contrast.

00:30:20.660 --> 00:30:27.460
Writing aspires to permanence, it resists, to the passage of time through accumulation

00:30:27.460 --> 00:30:29.700
and reproducibility.

00:30:29.700 --> 00:30:38.060
Reading by contrast appears as an ephemeral practice, bound to the immediacy of its exercise

00:30:38.060 --> 00:30:44.180
and to the singularity of the moment in which it occurs.

00:30:44.180 --> 00:30:52.100
My first observation of the second part is this, marginalia, as a document, challenge

00:30:52.100 --> 00:30:57.300
precisely this separation between writing and reading.

00:30:57.300 --> 00:31:04.260
In fact, the contrast described by De Sertoz becomes far less clear-cut once we consider

00:31:04.260 --> 00:31:07.140
the practice of annotation.

00:31:07.140 --> 00:31:20.660
Marginal notes embody a hubrid form of document that questions rigid taxonomies.

00:31:20.660 --> 00:31:27.980
They turn now to be, on the one hand, the writing form of a reader who heals to the

00:31:27.980 --> 00:31:32.420
temptation to leave trace.

00:31:32.420 --> 00:31:40.100
On the other hand, as the reading exercise of a writer would deliberately renounce authorship

00:31:40.100 --> 00:31:49.740
of the main text, we can read marginalia from both perspectives as reading and exercise

00:31:49.740 --> 00:31:55.580
and the exercise of a reader or an exercise of a writer.

00:31:55.580 --> 00:32:00.780
Seen from this perspective, marginalia offer both material evidence and conceptual insight

00:32:00.780 --> 00:32:09.140
into an interdependence between reading and writing, or if you want, into a point of conjunction

00:32:09.140 --> 00:32:15.660
between reading mind and writing hand.

00:32:15.660 --> 00:32:22.660
A brief clarification is here in order.

00:32:22.660 --> 00:32:31.580
Reading marginalia at the centre of philosophical research does not follow a mere logic of inclusion

00:32:31.580 --> 00:32:37.420
according to which every document counts as relevant, however fragmentary.

00:32:37.420 --> 00:32:42.380
Nor does it amount to a mere expansion of the textual corpus.

00:32:42.380 --> 00:32:47.980
As I said, rather it reflects an attempt to grasp a form of philosophical agency that

00:32:47.980 --> 00:32:54.580
escapes the classical historiography centred on author texts.

00:32:54.580 --> 00:32:57.420
This leads to my second observation.

00:32:57.420 --> 00:33:06.180
Marginalia are not texts in the proper sense and do not testify to authorship, at least

00:33:06.180 --> 00:33:08.260
not directly.

00:33:08.260 --> 00:33:12.940
Yet it is precisely for this reason that a philosophical historiography attentive to

00:33:12.940 --> 00:33:21.140
marginalia can bring into view a central dimension of medieval philosophy by relativising

00:33:21.140 --> 00:33:26.220
the primacy of the author and finished work.

00:33:26.220 --> 00:33:29.740
I do not dwell on possible definitions of marginalia.

00:33:29.740 --> 00:33:42.660
I can recommend a wonderful essay of Adolfo Tura on this aspect, but I would like to suggest

00:33:42.660 --> 00:33:48.820
some consideration.

00:33:48.820 --> 00:33:54.340
Consider for instance an annotated page from the private library of Nicholas of Cusa.

00:33:54.340 --> 00:34:03.180
We encounter manicule, note assigns, underlinings, single words, brief clauses.

00:34:03.180 --> 00:34:05.860
Are manicule texts?

00:34:05.860 --> 00:34:14.740
And when Cusano simply repeats in the margin, words taken from Plato in the main text.

00:34:14.740 --> 00:34:18.380
Who is the author of that marginal note?

00:34:18.380 --> 00:34:26.740
Cusano, who pens it, or Plato, who is responsible for the words themselves.

00:34:26.740 --> 00:34:34.260
Each marginal annotation encapsulates in Nunché a challenge of categorisation.

00:34:34.260 --> 00:34:39.220
It stands at the intersection of two histories.

00:34:39.220 --> 00:34:47.940
The Virchungske Sichte of the book being read, and the formation history of the reader, and

00:34:47.940 --> 00:34:50.460
of the reader's thought.

00:34:50.460 --> 00:34:55.860
Borrowing a formulation from Paul Ricoeur, marginalia mark an encounter between the word

00:34:55.860 --> 00:35:02.180
of the book, on the one hand, and the word of the reader, an encounter in which both

00:35:02.180 --> 00:35:05.900
are in a certain sense transformed.

00:35:05.900 --> 00:35:11.820
At closer inspection, it is precisely this transitional status of marginalia that makes

00:35:11.820 --> 00:35:14.700
them philosophically productive.

00:35:14.700 --> 00:35:22.340
They offer a vantage point from which to unsettle traditional interpretive dichotomies between

00:35:22.340 --> 00:35:30.700
original and derivatives, authorial and imitative, and thus open the way to a historiography capable

00:35:30.700 --> 00:35:37.740
of integrating reading as a genuine philosophical agency.

00:35:37.740 --> 00:35:41.620
This brings me to my third observation.

00:35:41.620 --> 00:35:48.260
The evolution of annotation practices is an integral part of the history of medieval philosophy

00:35:48.260 --> 00:35:49.820
itself.

00:35:49.820 --> 00:35:59.100
However, while marginalia have attracted increasing attention in recent years, especially within

00:35:59.100 --> 00:36:06.220
book history and manuscript studies, we still lack a genuinely philosophical history that

00:36:06.220 --> 00:36:14.860
accounts from how changes in annotation practices relate to changes in philosophical thinking

00:36:14.860 --> 00:36:17.940
itself.

00:36:17.940 --> 00:36:25.820
In the time that remains, I would like to make this claim more concrete by briefly indicating

00:36:25.820 --> 00:36:31.860
what I have learned by following this line of inquiry in my project on the marginalia

00:36:31.860 --> 00:36:33.940
of Nicholas of Cusa.

00:36:33.940 --> 00:36:37.060
Do I still have five or ten minutes?

00:36:37.060 --> 00:36:38.060
Yes.

00:36:38.060 --> 00:36:39.060
Okay.

00:36:39.060 --> 00:36:40.060
Thank you.

00:36:40.060 --> 00:36:46.900
My aim here is not to present results in detail, as I said, but to show what becomes visible

00:36:46.900 --> 00:36:56.820
once marginalia are treated as a philosophical sources rather than as ancillary historical

00:36:56.820 --> 00:36:59.580
material.

00:36:59.580 --> 00:37:06.340
Nicholas of Cusa is of course one of the most extensively studied authors of the 15th century.

00:37:06.340 --> 00:37:12.140
The critical edition of his works has been completed, and the publication of the biographical

00:37:12.140 --> 00:37:16.900
documentation, the so-called Akta Kusana, is nearing its conclusion.

00:37:16.900 --> 00:37:24.420
And yet systematic research on his marginalia has led me to a thesis that I had not anticipated

00:37:24.420 --> 00:37:32.620
at the outset of the project, and which may sound deliberately provocative.

00:37:32.620 --> 00:37:40.540
I claim that Nicholas of Cusa's most extensive and perhaps important work, the one he never

00:37:40.540 --> 00:37:49.060
says thinking about, has so far been ignored as such, namely his library.

00:37:49.060 --> 00:37:50.260
What does it mean?

00:37:50.260 --> 00:37:56.700
I argue that Nicholas of Cusa's library must be seen as a fundamental expression of his

00:37:56.700 --> 00:38:03.500
thought and as a key for interpreting his conception of knowledge and philosophical

00:38:03.500 --> 00:38:05.340
research.

00:38:05.340 --> 00:38:13.460
More precisely, Cusano's autograph marginalia transform his manuscript collection into

00:38:13.460 --> 00:38:20.180
what may be called a work of the reader, library as a work of the reader.

00:38:20.180 --> 00:38:25.260
Three findings have substantiated this perspective.

00:38:25.700 --> 00:38:35.580
First, Cusano's marginalia are not occasional or spontaneous traces of use.

00:38:35.580 --> 00:38:40.620
Marginalia are in this case not at all traces of uses.

00:38:40.620 --> 00:38:44.620
They reflect a consistent working method.

00:38:44.620 --> 00:38:51.500
Across his books, marginal notes establish dense networks of intertextual reference,

00:38:51.500 --> 00:38:59.220
linking individual manuscripts to one another and connecting the books Cusano's read with

00:38:59.220 --> 00:39:02.420
his own writings.

00:39:02.420 --> 00:39:10.780
Here just an example taken from Cusano's De Berilo, with a clear intertextuality with

00:39:10.780 --> 00:39:19.980
two manuscripts Cusano's read and annotated Aristotle's Metaphysics and Plato's Phaedon.

00:39:19.980 --> 00:39:27.420
In this sense, marginalia trace a philosophical path across the library as a whole, revealing

00:39:27.420 --> 00:39:31.860
a distinctive mapping of knowledge.

00:39:31.860 --> 00:39:37.900
This is a philosophical itinerary, if you want.

00:39:37.900 --> 00:39:45.300
Second, marginal notes were not conceived as private annotations.

00:39:45.300 --> 00:39:51.060
They presuppose a readership that corresponds to the circle of Cusano's collaborators

00:39:51.060 --> 00:39:55.300
and to the users of his library.

00:39:55.300 --> 00:40:01.180
Cusano's was not the sole glosator of his manuscripts, rather the books bear witness

00:40:01.180 --> 00:40:08.780
to a community of readers and to ongoing scholarly exchange.

00:40:08.780 --> 00:40:16.620
We have here the example of a page from Plato's Parmenides, which we can find a marginal annotation

00:40:16.620 --> 00:40:25.660
by Nicholas of Cusa and Cardinal Bessarion, and also by the translator of the Latin version

00:40:25.660 --> 00:40:32.180
of Plato's Parmenides, George of Trebizond.

00:40:32.180 --> 00:40:46.740
On the same page of a manuscript we find different notes developing an exchange, a dialogue.

00:40:46.740 --> 00:40:54.060
But manuscripts circulated also, were borrowed and lent, and Cusano's marginal notes were

00:40:54.060 --> 00:40:59.940
even copied and migrated into other collections.

00:40:59.940 --> 00:41:06.300
Cusano's marginalia are sometimes copies of another reader's notes.

00:41:06.300 --> 00:41:15.060
Here an example from Eusebius' Preparatio of Angelica, Cusano's marginalia were copied

00:41:15.060 --> 00:41:20.140
and Cusano's was also a copyist of marginalia.

00:41:20.140 --> 00:41:30.380
Third point, Cusano's marginalia must be distinguished sharply from the scholastic

00:41:30.380 --> 00:41:35.300
glosses characteristic of university manuscripts.

00:41:35.300 --> 00:41:41.220
They are not commentaries in the strict sense, nor do they participate in the scholastic

00:41:41.220 --> 00:41:46.020
practice of textual explanation and authority management.

00:41:46.580 --> 00:41:52.940
Cusano's mode of annotation instead reflects a self-conscious departure from university

00:41:52.940 --> 00:41:54.780
forms of knowledge.

00:41:54.780 --> 00:42:01.460
His marginal notes follow lines of inquiry determined not by the text's argumentative

00:42:01.460 --> 00:42:09.100
structure but by the reader's own philosophical research, thus recording a dialogical intersection

00:42:09.100 --> 00:42:15.660
between the mind in the book and the mind of the reader.

00:42:15.660 --> 00:42:22.260
Even together, considering marginalia as a work of the reader suggests an important

00:42:22.260 --> 00:42:24.140
historiographical consequence.

00:42:24.140 --> 00:42:31.900
If we focus exclusively on Cusano's authoritative writings and isolate them from the annotated

00:42:31.900 --> 00:42:37.860
library in which they took shape, from the ecology of the library, we miss a crucial

00:42:37.860 --> 00:42:40.660
dimension of his philosophical activity.

00:42:40.660 --> 00:42:46.260
Of course, I'm not saying that we have to concentrate only on marginalia, downplaying

00:42:46.260 --> 00:42:54.420
the importance of the writings, but I think that we can fully interpret his philosophy

00:42:54.420 --> 00:43:02.540
only if we include marginalia in our consideration.

00:43:02.540 --> 00:43:07.540
I come to my conclusion.

00:43:07.540 --> 00:43:13.740
In this lecture, I have deliberately left the comfort zone of my narrow research project

00:43:13.740 --> 00:43:20.780
in order to discuss a broader historiographical agenda that I hope has become visible.

00:43:20.780 --> 00:43:34.380
My last words concerns an inherent challenge in any attempt to conceptualize reading as

00:43:34.380 --> 00:43:38.420
a philosophical agency.

00:43:38.420 --> 00:43:44.420
For a history of philosophy attentive to reading faces a kind of irritation.

00:43:44.420 --> 00:43:53.220
This irritation, which is productive in my opinion, arises from two facts that seem to

00:43:53.220 --> 00:43:56.500
contradict one another.

00:43:56.500 --> 00:44:04.060
First, the act of reading itself is not contained in any text.

00:44:04.060 --> 00:44:11.580
As Plato already remarked in the Phaedrus, no written word can control how it is received

00:44:11.580 --> 00:44:13.820
or used.

00:44:13.820 --> 00:44:21.060
A history of philosophy centered on reading must therefore take up a position somewhat

00:44:21.060 --> 00:44:25.220
eccentric or of center to the text.

00:44:25.220 --> 00:44:32.380
It directs attention to the institutional and social contexts that structure and regulate

00:44:32.380 --> 00:44:39.660
reading and to the material media through which texts are transmitted and made available.

00:44:39.660 --> 00:44:50.780
For readers, never encounter abstract, dematerialized texts, but concrete, written artifacts, books

00:44:50.780 --> 00:44:57.260
that both shape how texts were used and preserve traces of their reading.

00:44:57.580 --> 00:45:07.180
Second, however, every philosophical text is also a reworking and the result of earlier reading,

00:45:07.180 --> 00:45:16.940
either directly in glosses or excerpts or indirectly in commentaries, sume or questiones.

00:45:16.940 --> 00:45:25.100
These texts explicitly reflect on reading or they reconfigure what has been read,

00:45:25.100 --> 00:45:31.500
formulating interpretive criteria and generating new levels of meaning.

00:45:31.500 --> 00:45:40.300
Between these two poles, the inaccessibility of reading itself on the one hand and the

00:45:40.300 --> 00:45:48.380
availability of the text as witness to reading, there opens up the paradox of a research perspective

00:45:48.380 --> 00:45:56.220
that in my view can reveal some of the central features of what we call properly or improperly

00:45:56.220 --> 00:45:58.300
medieval philosophy.

00:45:58.300 --> 00:46:00.140
Thank you very much for your attention.

00:46:18.380 --> 00:46:20.380
Thank you.